The first childish thing we need to set aside is the idea that now is the time for us to turn inwards and have a post-mortem on our election campaign tactics. The biggest failure of our campaign was our failure to manage expectations. On May 6^th we did what eluded Messrs Major, Hague, Duncan Smith and Howard: we turned the electoral map a much deeper shade of blue. We secured a bigger swing than Thatcher in 1979 and that was after the Winter of Discontent and intervention from the IMF. We should be proud as a party today: proud that we together have turned almost one hundred seats Conservative through our hard work and willingness to embrace change with David Cameron. Every party has its siren voices luring it into the abyss with the easy idea that if only the party had spent more time appealing to its core supporters and less time addressing the needs of the wider electorate, that somehow things would be better. Let the Labour Party fall into that trap again as it did in the 1980s. This is not the time for us to naval gaze: this is the time for us to serve our country.

Serving our country does mean that we have to listen to the message the voters sent. We know that we did well and that Labour did badly and that the Liberal Democrat surge did not happen. But we also know that the public did not give us a parliamentary majority. We cannot simply behave as if they did, as much as we would like it to be the case. Our party warned the voters in simple and direct terms of the dangers of a hung parliament, but nonetheless they voted for one. In doing so they sent a message that they want politicians to work together to tackle our national problems.

We face serious problems as a country, and the most serious is our deficit. Just a few days ago, the European Commission forecast that our budget deficit would swell this year to become the biggest in the EU. Tackling this will require painful choices: choices that will in places reduce service provision, cost jobs and freeze wages. If we act alone as a minority government the task becomes harder, as people question our legitimacy to make these tough choices, and we face the near certainty of another election around the corner. And I haven’t even mentioned Mervyn King’s warning about the election victor being out of power for a generation.

The public has voted for cooperation and David Cameron was right to offer it. The public will not forgive us if this is not a serious offer. John Major is right that Cabinet posts for Liberal Democrats should be on the table. After all, a coalition government would give us the time and the legitimacy needed to tackle the deficit and start to get our country back on track. David Cameron is right to spell out our red lines, but he is also right to spell out areas of common ground. We agree with the Liberal Democrats on the need to tackle the deficit: indeed it was Labour that spent the campaign attacking both of us over our plans for tax credits and Child Trust Funds. We can work together to begin the radical schools reform we need to ensure that the next generation is properly educated. We both want a much more decentralised country and reforms to make our political system more open and transparent. And I know of few Conservatives who would disagree with the aspiration of reducing the burden of income tax on the poorest.

I am a supporter of first-past-the-post and think that the Liberal Democrats’ failure to break through in terms of vote share makes the case for electoral reform less compelling. I think we should argue strongly that the prospect of real power with us, real political reform, and an all party committee of enquiry on electoral reform is a good one for the Liberal Democrats. But we are involved in negotiations and are facing a Labour Party offering the prospect of an immediate referendum on PR, doubtless on terms that will serve their party political interests. I think we need to proceed cautiously, but also pragmatically, bearing in mind that if we think reform is coming it might be better to have a say in the design of the new system, as Disraeli taught us in 1867.

The example of Disraeli should be in the back of our minds over the coming days. We have been challenged as a party, and given the seriousness of the times we should set aside childish things and show ourselves to be equal to the challenge. If we follow Disraeli’s example, we can not only secure a future for our party, but much more importantly we can show our willingness to forge a way out of our difficulties as one nation.

Few will therefore have noticed the story that broke last week about the Conservatives’ potential partners in the European Parliament after the election. Sources have suggested that our new allies may include the Czech Civic Democrats, Poland’s Law and Justice Party and the Latvian For Fatherland and Freedom.

Nick Cohen, in yesterday’s Observer, gives us a taster of what we can expect from our opponents if these reports are true. A long list of quotations from these parties and their representatives include the contentions that the election of Obama represented the “end of the civilisation of the white man”, “homosexuality will lead to the downfall of civilisation” and that “global warming is a false myth and every serious person and scientist says so”. If that wasn’t enough, Cohen goes on to report that MP’s from the Fatherland for Freedom party marched with Latvian SS veterans this year.

Before we get carried away, the Conservatives have not confirmed these reports. Last week, a Conservative spokesman said that we would be providing a voice for “a modern, open flexible Europe” and “we do not intend to comment on potential allies”. I believe in this flexible Europe, and I respect David Cameron’s straightforward assertion that “under my leadership, we wouldn’t say one thing in London and a different thing in Brussels”. As modern, liberal Conservatives we must hold David Cameron to this pledge.

I often find solace in poetry. This poem, written by Ben Jonson in 1603 following the death of his first son at age seven, is a poignant reflection on a loss that we all hope we never experience.

On My First Sonne by: Ben Jonson (1572-1637)

Farewell, thou child of my right hand, and joy,

My sin was too much hope of thee, loved boy;

Seven years th’ wert lent to me, and I thee pay,

Exacted by thy fate, on the just day.

O, could I lose all father now. For why

Will man lament the state he should envy?

To have so soon ‘scaped world’s and flesh’s rage,

And, if no other misery, yet age?

Rest in soft peace, and, asked, say here doth lie

Ben Jonson his best piece of poetry;

For whose sake, henceforth, all his vows be such

As what he loves may never like too much.

This was a memorable speech not for its (sometimes offensive) partisan attacks on the Conservative party, but for its analysis on how conservatism in our public services was holding back much needed reform.

As Blair put it,

“Let us take on the forces of conservatism in education, too, the greatest liberator of human potential there is. [...]

“Not the right. But not the old Left either: no tolerance of failing LEAs.

“No truce on failing schools.

“No pupils condemned to failure.”

Philip Collins, Blair’s former speech writer, who may have written sections of this speech, has written an important piece in today’s Times. He argues that Brown has abandoned the reform agenda and surrendered it to the Conservatives.

This is an interesting time in British politics. The Cameron strategy has put us in a position to benefit from public dissatisfaction with Labour, giving us a 20-point lead. But more than this, the modernising instinct that we should support the government when it is right, is good politics from the perspective of public policy and electoral politics.

As Collins has it, Blair came to support essentially Majorite policies on public sector reform, as the means to improve these services. When David Cameron chose to support Blair’s school reforms, he was criticised for not opposing the government. But he was doing the right thing from a public policy perspective by backing necessary reform (albeit reform that didn’t go far enough).

The electoral advantage has come because Brown has foolishly backed away from the reform agenda. He has moved Adonis and lost Freud. This has allowed us to pick up the mantle of public sector reform and regain the initiative. The ideas and the energy, the momentum, in British politics is with us because we have chosen this course and Brown has roadblocked it.

All those who back the progressive end of defeating the forces of conservatism that hold back our public services have been abandoned by Labour and now have a home in the modern Conservative Party. If you’re reading this, Lord Adonis and Messrs Milburn and Field: I’m talking to you

The new Conservatism that  David Cameron has brought us is, as Danny writes, not a mere strategy that can be tossed aside when times get tough. It is a way of seeing the world and a new approach to politics, not a lick of paint over the same old Tories.

That is why those who think that now we’ve had the image refresh we can go back to the same old policies just don’t get it.  Of course, we must adopt our policies to the changed economic conditions. But we must not throw the baby out with the bath water.

The thing that caused me the most exasperation about this whole sorry episode was the behaviour of so many Labour Ministers. I literally screamed at my radio as I listened to Geoff Hoon on Any Questions. My frustration was about why these people couldn’t just say that they regretted the manner in which this happened, or express some surprise or shock. Have we really become so partisan that as long as it happened to a political opponent it is okay? I know these public servants did not go into politics to create a society in which this kind of thing happens, so why can’t they just say so?

It got me thinking. We may well be in government in a year or two. If we make it, we must not allow ourselves to become twisted like this. If something happens which distresses a reasonable person, we should put our hands up and say sorry. This should be as true if something unfortunate happens a Labour opponent as a Conservative Minister. This will be a daily battle to do the right thing in difficult circumstances. We will fall short, but at least we can try.

We could do worse than having Google’s motto in the back of our mind every day in everything we do: “Do No Evil”.

1.       Conference risked being completely overshadowed by the momentous economic news. While it certainly didn’t attract as much attention as it would have in more normal circumstances, the organisers demonstrated real skill in quickly and effectively altering the Conference schedule and content. This avoided us looking triumphalist or irrelevant, and Cameron’s impromptu appearances ensured that we broke into a difficult news cycle.

2.       The party got the feel of Conference just right, and the branding was slick. Everywhere you looked there were posters sending messages, such as “Hope” and “Change”. The Miliband bananaman cut out with free bananas stayed just the right side of playful and provided a welcome potassium boost for hungover delegates!

3.       We now look and feel like a very different party. One newspaper hack told me that you can judge the prospects of a political party by the number of delegates of reproductive age at its Conference. If this is the test, then the Conservatives passed with flying colours. Not only was the Conference noticeably younger than in previous years, the delegates were also more talented and more normal.

4.       Businesses and charities clearly believe that we will form the next government, given the significant number of representatives they sent.

5.       The upper echelons of the party are taking no chances and are deadly serious. Gone are the days of Shadow Cabinet members drinking in the early hours with delegates. Indeed, there were hardly any senior MPs attending the Spectator and Policy Exchange parties, which would have been crammed with such people in previous years. This is a shame for delegates, but it is in many ways reassuring. Senior Conservatives realise that this is not the time for them to be seen out quaffing champagne.

6.       Many Conference stalwarts missed the old fashioned charms of seaside towns, but Birmingham impressed. I can’t count the number of times I heard people compliment this city and its beautiful Victorian squares. The ICC was clean and had good facilities, but it was very difficult to find your way around and lacked some of the intimacy of venues such as the Winter Gardens.

7.       Cameron rose to the occasion and gave the best speech he has ever given. He was serious and delivered the speech with real passion, notably in the NHS section. This was the perfect exposition of what Project Cameron is all about: progressive ends and conservative means. It did not mark any kind of return to the past as the wrong-headed BBC coverage suggested. Rather, it was a substantial and impressive political tour-de-force from a Prime Minister in waiting.

8.       Conference was as unified as I have known it and we left with our heads held high, knowing that while we face a tough battle ahead, we have the right ideas and the necessary leadership to change our country.

Writing those words feels strange to someone like me, aged twenty-six. For all my adult life, and longer, the Conservative Party has been the underdog, politically and culturally. Being a Conservative was tough: you always needed to explain yourself as many were determined to think the worst.

And yet, despite all this, I feel the need to urge caution. As Conservative supporters, we need to look beyond the prevailing narrative to see the reality.  The media more than ever shapes the way voters see politics, rather than just reporting events. And the prevailing narrative is one in which we can do no wrong, and Labour can do nothing right. David Cameron’s bike theft is thus a story about how normal he is, not, for example, how out of touch or incompetent he is for chaining his bike to a bollard. We must continue to ride the wave of good press and continue to feed the media. But we should not believe the hype and should be ready for the day when the narrative shifts. Remember that it was only a year ago that Gordon Brown could do no wrong.

When we look at the reality there are lots of grounds for optimism. This is not an empty bubble like the Brown honeymoon of last year. By making the brave choice to vote for change in late 2005, the Conservatives began a process which has allowed us to benefit from the very real problems besetting the country, after ten years of Labour. The government is tired and clumsy: the Stamp Duty debacle of last week is an example of this. The problems, both economic and social, besetting the country are real. The Conservative solution of reducing long term demands on the state by empowering local organisations and appealing to social norms is right for our times.

However, we still have work to do. There are still inconsistencies in our policies and problems with our party which the press and a beleaguered Labour Party are overlooking at the moment. And our message that legislative tinkering from Whitehall will not solve every problem still needs to be sharpened if it is to withstand real attack from those who think that every problem needs a policy. If Brown goes – and he may be gone by the end of the year – we could be facing someone who is less damaged, more attractive and savvier. They might get a media honeymoon. The press might turn against us. To borrow a phrase, we should continue to fix the roof while the sun is shining.

A key domestic question in Britain is how Obama would get on with Brown and, particularly Cameron. After all, Cameron and Obama are at present the two most likely leaders of their countries and would therefore have to work together closely. Despite Obama’s position on the left of US politics, he shares much more with Cameron than Brown. Both are pragmatic, young, dynamic centrists whose politics puts an emphasis on social responsibility, environmentalism and hope.

If the Webcameron video is anything to go by, Obama agrees with this analysis. If you listen carefully to the first section of the video you can hear the conversation between Obama and Cameron. When Cameron asks Obama how his visit to 10 Downing Street was, Obama replies that it was “fine”: hardly an enthusiastic response. Obama goes on to wish Cameron “congratulations on all your successes”.

A nice end to the parliamentary year for Dave: his Chicago kiss was much more welcome than Mr Brown’s Glasgow kiss.

PX has played a vital role in the resurgence of the centre-right in Britain, not just by promoting ideas, but also by nurturing talent. Great credit is due to Nick Boles, Francis Maude and many others who grew this organisation from nothing in 2002, a time when the centre-right was not a fashionable place to be in Britain.

Charles Moore and others have a tough decision in choosing Anthony’s successor. They must choose someone who is instinctively a liberal conservative, and also someone who will maintain and develop PX’s edgy and modern culture.