Is The Euro The Most Regressive Financial Instrument Since The Gold Standard?
Sunday, August 29th, 2010 | This post was written by David SkeltonDeflation has been imposed on Greece. It is unlikely that the Greek economy will be able to grow for many years to come.
The Spanish economy has stumbled into marginal growth, with the country suffering from an unemployment rate of around 20%.
The unemployment rate in Portugal is the highest for three decades.
The Irish economy has collapsed and unemployment is at a 16 year high.
What have all these economies got in common? They are all members of the Euro. They have all decided that a political goal of a single currency should be created on the backs of the unemployed. For the first time since the Gold Standard, national Governments decided to sacrifice the interests of their domestic economy for the sake of the viability of an international economic ‘dream’.
And the people of Spain, Portugal, Greece and Ireland are paying the price for their leaders dreaming that dream. They have been placed in a straightjacket, unable to devalue their currency or set their own interest rates. As Paul Krugman said:
“The fact is that three years ago none of the countries now in or near crisis seemed to be in deep fiscal trouble. Even Greece’s 2007 budget deficit was no higher, as a share of G.D.P., than the deficits the United States ran in the mid-1980s (morning in America!), while Spain actually ran a surplus. And all of the countries were attracting large inflows of foreign capital…
Then came the global financial crisis. Those inflows of capital dried up; revenues plunged and deficits soared; and membership in the euro, which had encouraged markets to love the crisis countries not wisely but too well, turned into a trap.
What’s the nature of the trap? During the years of easy money, wages and prices in the crisis countries rose much faster than in the rest of Europe. Now that the money is no longer rolling in, those countries need to get costs back in line.
But that’s a much harder thing to do now than it was when each European nation had its own currency. Back then, costs could be brought in line by adjusting exchange rates — e.g., Greece could cut its wages relative to German wages simply by reducing the value of the drachma in terms of Deutsche marks. Now that Greece and Germany share the same currency, however, the only way to reduce Greek relative costs is through some combination of German inflation and Greek deflation. And since Germany won’t accept inflation, deflation it is.
The problem is that deflation — falling wages and prices — is always and everywhere a deeply painful process. It invariably involves a prolonged slump with high unemployment. And it also aggravates debt problems, both public and private, because incomes fall while the debt burden doesn’t.”
The single currency, founded almost purely on the basis of orthodox neo-liberal economic ideas should be anathema to anybody who describe themselves as progressives. The problem is that many progressives have forgotten the meaning of the word. They are prepared to put their vague belief in ‘internationalism’ above any faith in democracy or any belief that nation states should have economic weapons to handle conditions unique to their country.
Just as previous generations of politicians risked economic catastrophe because of their dedication to the Gold Standard (Keynes, as ever, is worth a read on this one), so progressive politicians today can be blinded by their dedication to the Euro.
One of the great questions of recent years is why so many so called progressives have embraced the European project with such fervour in recent years. One of the great triumphs of British radicalism has been universal suffrage and popular sovereignty. Now, as Tony Benn famously said, many on the left have decided that “a good King is better than [what they view as] a bad Parliament.” It is very hard to understand how anybody schooled in the traditions of British radicalism could take that view. Benn continued:
“We are discussing whether the British people are to be allowed to elect those who make the laws under the which they are governed. The argument is nothing to do with whether we should get more maternity leave from Madame Papandreou than from Madame Thatcher. That is not the issue… My next job therefore is to explain to the people of Chesterfield what we have decided. I will say first, “My dear constituents, in future you will be governed by people whom you do not elect and cannot remove. I am sorry about it. They may give you better creches and shorter working hours but you cannot remove them”….I know that it sounds negative but I have always thought it positive to say that the important thing about democracy is that we can remove without bloodshed the people who govern us. We can get rid of a Callaghan, a Wilson or even a right hon. Lady by internal processes. We can get rid of the right hon. Member for Huntingdon (Mr. Major). But that cannot be done in the structure that is proposed. Even if one likes the policies of the people in Europe, one cannot get rid of them… Secondly, we say to my favourite friends, the Chartists and suffragettes, “All your struggles to get control of the ballot box were a waste of time. We shall be run in future by a few white persons, as in 1832.”
In wresting economic control from national governments at a time of economic crisis, the Euro is being distinctly regressive – possibly the most regressive financial instrument since the Gold Standard. In wresting democratic power from national electorates, the EU, as it is presently constituted is ignoring the great tradition of the Levellers, the Chartists and the Suffragettes. That is something that should give some progressives pause for thought.
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