The other day a friend who was over from the US asked me: “What’s the story with this new British Conservatism?” Here is my interpretation of our recent history.
The Nasty Party
For close to twenty years the British Conservative Party was tainted by being tagged as the ‘Nasty Party’. The Tories had a “nasty, narrow” image and appeared to be “unrepentant and unattractive”. This harsh assessment was offered up by the then Conservative Chairman at the 2002 party conference. Three big defeats at the polls between 1997 and 2005 proved that the party, which had traditionally viewed itself as being the natural party of government, was no longer connecting with the values of the British people.
The Conservative Party had become a narrow echo-chamber populated by people who were more interested in venting their spleen. It rejected the notion of creating a policy agenda which evolved with society. The 1997, 2001 and 2005 election campaigns were driven by doomsday scenarios and negative messages. There was a distinct lack of desire to embrace the place Britain had become, and as a result, the Tories could not present an uplifting vision for where the country should go next.
Cameron’s arrival
The old instinct of prioritising the need to win power kicked-in at the end of 2005. The Conservative members picked a fresh-faced leader, David Cameron, who was untainted by their previous stretch in government. The party gave him the mandate, and responsibility, of re-energising and re-orientating British Conservative politics. When accepting this challenge, Mr Cameron signalled his intention to modernise the Tories by saying, “I love this country as it is, not as it was”.
Promoting values for everyone
In politics there is an important difference between promoting values and making moral judgements. Pre-Cameron, the Conservatives had the reputation of being castigators of single mothers, scolders of homosexuals and neglecters of the poor. Modern Conservatives have exchanged these judgement-driven attacks for promoting long-tested values in a language that resonates in the current climate. The fundamental principle is that good values and the benefits which flow from them should be accessible to everyone. Strong families, however they are constructed, are important for a stable society which is why gay couples who enter into civil partnerships should be entitled to the same benefits as those in heterosexual marriage. Conservatives should not blindly reject the fact that government has a key role to play in shaping society. Having a positive attitude to what the state can do does not automatically translate to giving handouts; instead the public sector can foster a better environment by giving people responsibility through devolving resources to those who need – or want to – help.
Broadening the message and the messengers
The Winston Churchill quote: “A fanatic is one who can’t change his mind and won’t change the subject” is a good description of the Tory party from the late 90s onwards. The Conservatives were seemingly obsessed by two subjects, integration into the European Union and immigration, at a time when the public’s primary concerns were the economy, education and health. One of Mr Cameron’s first acts as leader was to head off to the Arctic and ride with huskies, putting the environmental agenda at the centre of the party’s platform. The none too subtle message to voters, and just as importantly party members, was that the Conservatives had changed and were in touch with modern concerns. Cameron and his team developed a set of positions to show everyone how modern Conservatism would manifest itself. This included giving decision making powers over the use of resources to locals, promising to protect the National Health Service budget and linking fiscal discipline with creating a stable, sustainable and productive economy.
Political parties that want to win national elections should resemble the nation. If when a political movement looks in the mirror all it can see is one segment of society staring back at them then they have to recognise that they will find it harder to change society as a whole. In 2005 only 9% of Conservative members of Parliament were woman, 98% were white and 60% were educated at private schools. This situation was viewed as being unacceptable by the leadership. To rectify this, the apparently very unconservative method of positive discrimination was introduced into the parliamentary selection process, to the uproar of many grassroots members. Changing the composition gave the Conservatives an opportunity to show that the party was changing by diversifying its face. Of course, the great irony here is that Mr Cameron and many of his tem arrived in Parliament from privileged backgrounds, having attended some of Britain’s most exclusive schools.
A successful transformation?
Different people/groups have differing views as to what success looks like. David Cameron is now Prime Minister, but as the Conservatives failed to win a majority of parliamentary seats he leads a Government containing members from another party. Is there a desirable Conservative influence on the way Britain is governed? That is a whole other conservation, but what is not in doubt is that the Conservative party needed to change to become, once again, a relevant force in Britain.
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I’m sure that David Cameron does like this country as it is. Why wouldn’t he: he has done rather well out of it with a minimum of effort?
Very droll Michael. But am I right? What would you have said if someone asked you to sum up Cameron’s reinvention of the Tory party?
And despite all of this ‘modernisation’ and emasculation of conservative principles, Cameron added a pathetic 3.8% to our vote share. You are wrong to suggest that the Conservative brand was toxic. Politics was toxic. The emergence of New Labour coincided with massive drop in turnout. The 1997, supposedly a turning point in British political history, had the lowest turnout since the emergence of democracy in Britain at 71.2%. In 2001, it dropped to its lowest since the Coupon Election of 1918 with turnout at 59%. Blair in 2001 received fewer votes than Kinnock in 1992 or Callaghan in 1979, and in 2005 he received fewer votes than John Major in 1997! It wasn’t solely a Conservative problem, it was a political problem as all the parties tried to occupy the same ground. However, during the divisive Thatcher years, turnout reached 76% and in 1992, the last time we had a proper, fighting election, turnout reached just under 78%. Conviction politics engages people because it gives them a reason to participate. If all the parties agree, how are the people supposed to register their opposition to the wet social democratic experiment imposed upon this country by Guardian reading liberals and wet Tories like the ones who run this website?
Conviction politicians still exist Josh. Nick Griffin won’t change his views, no-matter how much he is heckled. Arthur Scargill wont change his views, no-matter how small a vote his Socialist Labour Party, or is it Labour Socialist Party???, gets.
Cameron has his convictions and one of them was that the Tory party needed to be relevant to the country by, among other things, embracing social liberalism and talking to those who cared about community. Even IDS saw this.
As you point out Thatcher won her elections in the 80s, ie around 30 years ago. Thatcherite policies might have been popular then but the 2010 elction took place in 2010. Modern Conservatives are not wets, we are fresh.
We haven’t won an election since 1992, when we last put forward distinctive policies to the electorate. To win a British general election, a party must have a majority of seats in the House of Commons. We failed. You ‘modern’ Conservatives cannot escape the fact that 2010 was a dismal performance for the Conservative Party. The only reason we gained so many seats is because the Labour vote collapsed, allowing us to pick up seats on very small vote increases
Josh: I don’t disagree with you that this election was one we could/should have won, but I don’t think you can dismiss an increase of 108 seats as a total washout… Safe seats meant that targeting marginals was more important than a uniform national swing (though I agree that 3 pts was disappointing).
And I wholly disagree that there wasn’t a distinctive programme. I don’t think it was articulated very well, I don’t think it was hammered home, and I don’t think the Tories rebutted hard enough. But the programme itself was a fresh way to present Conservative values.
It is impressive in seat numbers, but we started from a very low base of 194 seats. Consider this example…
2005 election
Conservative -20000 votes
Labour -25000 votes
2010 election
Conservative -20000 votes
Labour -15000 votes
Our vote hasn’t increased, but we’d win this seat. We picked up so many seats because the collapse in the Labour vote was so pronounced.
If the Labour and Conservative Parties start to offer distinctive, differing programmes to the electorate, the electorate will respond. Between 1992 and 1997, the Tories lost 5 million votes, whereas the Labour vote increased by two million. 3 million people stopped voting, and we have only gained back 1 million of these since 1997, and another two million have stopped voting since because of the homogenous nature of British politics
OK Josh – list for me the policies which were the same in Labour and Conservative manifestos in 2010 then?
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